Palma (Mallorca), del 7 al 9 de septiembre de 2016
VIII Congreso Internacional de Adquisición del Lenguaje

Programa general, ficha de actividad

Viernes 9 de septiembre de 2016 12:00 a 12:30 Presentación oral
The Isomorphism Issue with Negated Quantifiers in Basque and Spanish
Expone: Tania Barberán Recalde, Universidad del País Vasco

Autores: Tania Barberán Recalde

Children tend to accept weak Quantifiers (Q) when strong ones hold, not generating Scalar Implicatures (SI) (Noveck 2004). The interpretation of a negated sentence containing a Q requires: (i) pragmatic-knowledge to derive the SI and (ii) syntactic-knowledge to determine the scope of Neg. Uttering 1(a,b) when zero students came is under-informative, because the stronger Q none would be more informative (Grice,1975). (1) a. NOT ALL the students came b. ALL the students did NOT come The fact that Neg occupies a different position in (1a) with respect to (1b) can influence on the interpretation of the sentence. While (1a) in English is interpreted by adults as ‘NOT ALL’=some, (1b) can be interpreted as ‘ALL NOT’=some or ‘ALL NOT’=none. Following the “Isomorphism Effect” (Musolino,1998), children tend to obtain isomorphic-readings, so they are predicted to interpret ‘NOT ALL’=some and ‘ALL NOT’=none. A Picture Selection Task was conducted to investigate the interpretation of Spanish todos no/no todos, and Basque guztiak ez/ez guztiak. In this task, based on Katsos et al. (2012), participants were asked to select one of two pictures, after hearing an utterance containing Q-Neg/Neg-Q. The pictures represented a none-context and a some-context (zero and two out of five items were in the boxes, respectively). 5-year-old L1Spanish (n=25) and L1Basque (n=27) children, and adult native speakers of Spanish (n=12) and Basque (n=15) participated in the study. Results showed that Spanish/Basque children chose the none-context for Q-Neg in 73% and 76% of cases (isomorphic-readings). For Neg-Q, while Basque children chose the some-context in 26% of cases, Spanish children chose the some-context in 55% of cases. Spanish and Basque adults chose the some-context for Neg-Q in 95% and 85% of cases. For Q-Neg, Spanish adults chose the none-context in 83% of cases, whereas Basque adults chose the some-context in 71% of cases.
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Desarrollo morfo-sintáctico
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