General programme, activity sheet

Friday 9 September, 2016 12:00 to 12:30 Oral presentation
The Isomorphism Issue with Negated Quantifiers in Basque and Spanish
Speaker: Tania Barberán Recalde, Universidad del País Vasco

Authors: Tania Barberán Recalde


Children tend to accept weak Quantifiers (Q) when strong ones hold, not generating Scalar Implicatures (SI) (Noveck 2004). The interpretation of a negated sentence containing a Q requires: (i) pragmatic-knowledge to derive the SI and (ii) syntactic-knowledge to determine the scope of Neg. Uttering 1(a,b) when zero students came is under-informative, because the stronger Q none would be more informative (Grice,1975). (1) a. NOT ALL the students came b. ALL the students did NOT come The fact that Neg occupies a different position in (1a) with respect to (1b) can influence on the interpretation of the sentence. While (1a) in English is interpreted by adults as ‘NOT ALL’=some, (1b) can be interpreted as ‘ALL NOT’=some or ‘ALL NOT’=none. Following the “Isomorphism Effect” (Musolino,1998), children tend to obtain isomorphic-readings, so they are predicted to interpret ‘NOT ALL’=some and ‘ALL NOT’=none. A Picture Selection Task was conducted to investigate the interpretation of Spanish todos no/no todos, and Basque guztiak ez/ez guztiak. In this task, based on Katsos et al. (2012), participants were asked to select one of two pictures, after hearing an utterance containing Q-Neg/Neg-Q. The pictures represented a none-context and a some-context (zero and two out of five items were in the boxes, respectively). 5-year-old L1Spanish (n=25) and L1Basque (n=27) children, and adult native speakers of Spanish (n=12) and Basque (n=15) participated in the study. Results showed that Spanish/Basque children chose the none-context for Q-Neg in 73% and 76% of cases (isomorphic-readings). For Neg-Q, while Basque children chose the some-context in 26% of cases, Spanish children chose the some-context in 55% of cases. Spanish and Basque adults chose the some-context for Neg-Q in 95% and 85% of cases. For Q-Neg, Spanish adults chose the none-context in 83% of cases, whereas Basque adults chose the some-context in 71% of cases.
Further information:

Final version (83 KB)

Morphosyntactic development
Place: Room B-11

Other activities in Morphosyntactic development
12:30 h. to 13:00 h.Oral presentation

Acquiring constraints on variable morphosyntax: SV-VS word order in child Spanish

Speaker: Naomi Shin, University of New Mexico
13:30 h. to 14:00 h.Oral presentation

Compound formation in Danish children’s language acquisition

Speaker: Hans Basboell, University of Southern Denmark
Speaker: Laila Kjærbæk, University of Southern Denmark
13:00 h. to 13:30 h.Oral presentation

La adquisición de las frases de relativo de objeto en castellano

Speaker: Vicenç Torrens, UNED